Thursday, November 25, 2010

 

The RCMP. The BC Rail Scandal Basi, Virk, and Basi Case. The RCMP. The War Measures Act of 1970 and the FLQ. Two stories. A single thread connects them.

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By Robin Mathews
November 25, 2010

36 hours after the War Measures Act was imposed on October 16, 1970, I was at a party a few blocks away from the Parliament Buildings in Ottawa.  Many of the people present were NDP – most present were going to the protest demonstration the next day, a Sunday, against the imposition of the War Measures Act (the WMA).

Organizing had gone on, and Conservative, NDP, Creditiste (Quebec Social Credit) MPs were anxious to be at the protest, as well as many, many others.  The day before, I had been on the phone to Eric Neilson, Conservative MP for the Yukon.  He had trouble hearing me.  “This phone line is terrible”, he said.  “I can hardly hear you. I wonder what’s the matter.”

“I’m afraid it’s quite simple,” I said.  “The RCMP is tapping my phone and yours, too.  That drains the line.”  “They can’t be tapping my phone here in the Parliament Buildings,” he said.

He was right.  To do so was a violation of Canadian Constitutional practice.  He proved later that the RCMP was tapping his phone. And that was just the beginning….

Eight days after the War Measures Act was imposed, I gave an address at York University in Toronto.  My speech challenged Pierre Trudeau and the WMA and traced its ill effects on reform activities and radical groups across the country.  Unknown to me, the RCMP recorded the address and put it in my RCMP file in Ottawa.  The last time I could get someone “inside” to check, it was still there.

As the party near the Parliament Buildings was winding down, someone turned on the TV – and there was the news that the murdered body of Pierre Laporte (kidnapped Quebec cabinet minister) was found in the trunk of a car near St. Hubert airport. He was the second of two kidnapped – the other being James Cross, British diplomat, later freed. After the imposition of the WMA, (before the death of Laporte) hundreds of Quebecers were arrested, jailed arbitrarily without charges and without reason given … pulled from their homes often in the middle of the night. The whole process looked planned….

Our house party ended.  The next day, Sunday, thousands of shocked and puzzled Canadians flowed to the lawns around the Parliament Buildings, disturbed and unhappy.  NOT, as the Mainstream Press reported, to “support Trudeau and the WMA”.

The planned protest?  No Conservatives, no NDP, no Creditistes appeared.  Only Ottawa’s leading lady activist Charlotte McEwen and about eighteen Marxist Leninists and … me. We had placards. We discussed and conversed with people for hours… with barely a hint of animosity from anyone there.

The death of Pierre Laporte was crucial.  The arranged protest had almost evaporated.  The mood of the country changed … suddenly.  The story has been told … and told (falsely, says Louis Hamelin).

Now he has just retold it in a 600 page novel in which real characters (barely disguised) abound.  The novel (in French) is the result of eight years of intensive research by author Louis Hamelin.  In it, apparently, he repeats the idea that involved mediator/novelist (at the time) Jacques Ferron argued - that Pierre Laporte didn’t have to die. But was sacrificed believes Hamelin… for the long laid plans of Trudeau and … others.

Louis Hamelin believes that the people in power and the RCMP played the part of puppet-masters in a way that even the principal FLQ actors didn’t know.  Pierre Laporte was manipulated (to his death): “It is my interpretation of the October Crisis: [says Hamelin, ACTUALITE, Oct, 2010] a man was sacrificed, when he could have been saved”.  The felquistes, too, (as they’re called in Quebec) were also the playthings of power, manipulated unknowingly by political power and the RCMP.

We knew already that the RCMP created fake FLQ cells and blew things up – to frighten the population and make it believe the FLQ was stronger than it, in fact, was. FLQ cells were no sooner disbanded or broken up than new ones formed.  That wasn’t difficult when the RCMP was forming them.

We know the RCMP lawlessly raided offices and stole parti Quebecois membership lists.  We know it burned down a barn in the countryside, intending to blame the FLQ for the fire.  We know those things – and others - created the most expensive Royal Commission (to that time) in Canadian history: the McDonald Commission.  One of the causes of the Commission [take note] was that the RCMP had conducted 400 break-ins without warrant, mostly in B.C. All of those things, and more, brought forth the McDonald Report.  Its title showed its farcical nature – “An Inquiry into certain activities of the RCMP”.

People don’t know that Trudeau went very far from Quebec to find someone totally independent for the Royal Commission– and appointed, by the merest accident, a Liberal flack known as such in Alberta where he lived.  People don’t know that the terms of the Inquiry limited David McDonald and prevented him from looking at RCMP overseas activity where the Force is alleged to have arranged the death of people connected to the FLQ.

Hamelin suggests that even the first kidnap – of James Cross was “perhaps a gigantic police provocation”.  The police had foiled attempts to kidnap the Israeli consul in Montreal and the U.S. consul later.  How come they let the kidnap of James Cross go ahead? Hamelin believes they intended to let it go ahead … and he suggests the CIA had a hand in matters.

The point is made.  The RCMP was up to its armpits in illegal activity in the matter of the FLQ Crisis – even if we don’t go as far as Louis Hamelin does.

What was the historical result of such concentrated and continuous lawlessness on the part of the RCMP?

David McDonald was appointed in 1977 and he finished his Report in 1981. Very obviously agreements had to be made, and recommendations had to be of such a kind that the RCMP wasn’t embarrassed or rebuilt in any significant way.  The RCMP had high cards to play.  If David McDonald tried to steal RCMP power, or if the Liberal government did, then the RCMP could … talk …  could embarrass government in a huge way. The historical result was that the RCMP couldn’t be reined in.

Louis Hamelin has his theories – which he plays out in his novel, “La constellation du lynx”.  My theory, too, is that the government of Pierre Trudeau enlisted the RCMP (the army, the CIA, British Intelligence, and more) in a gigantic, lawless move to do what it could to destroy the FLQ as well as any and all left and independence movements in Quebec.

What government didn’t know it had done - was create an RCMP that could move increasingly, at its highest levels, independently of its lawful mandate, into what I insist on calling ‘organized crime’. It could move, now, independently of government, now in support of neo-conservative governments, now in cooperation with governments engaged in breach of trust at the least, and in criminal activity at the worst.

Remember that in the December 2005, in the heart of the federal election the RCMP broke constitutional practice – again – to help the Harperites win the election, by announcing a criminal investigation into Liberal cabinet member Ralph Goodale’s finance department.  Remember, the RCMP – I am convinced – conducted a highly flawed investigation of Glen Clark to assist Gordon Campbell in gaining the premiership of British Columbia.

And remember that the RCMP chief of the investigation in the BC Rail Scandal during 2003-04, Kevin Debruyckere, was brother-in-law of Kelly Reichert, Executive Director of the B.C. Liberal Party.  Defence alleged Debruyckere was informing Reichert who was informing Gordon Campbell all about the investigation. But the trial was brutally aborted before any of that matter could come before the jury.

Remember the RCMP was investigating finance minister Gary Collins on December 12, 2003.  Remember that almost on that same date William Berardino QC was appointed Special Prosecutor in violation of the legislation governing such appointments. The investigation of Collins stopped without any formal record of its termination.  And the trial was aborted before any of that matter could come before the jury.

Glen Clark was forced to resign as premier in 1999 in B.C. What I call ‘the fraudulent RCMP investigation and trial of Clark” ensued, his political career was ruined by both the accusations begun in Gordon Campbell’s constituency office and by an RCMP investigation headed up by a friend of Campbell who was twice invited to run for office on Campbell’s ticket. The Mainstream Press and Media conducted a vilification campaign against Clark without parallel in B.C.

Proof for me that the RCMP investigation was fraudulent came to me when I asked for a Commission for Public Complaints Against the RCMP review of the investigation.  The RCMP shut it down.  I persisted.  Finally, a full three years later, the Public Complaints Commission sent me its Report – finding that two experienced RCMP officers “wrongfully” terminated the investigation! And then, of course, Glen Clark had spent 136 days in trial – his lawyer insisting more than once that the “evidence” against him was valueless. When the trial ended, Clark was absolved of all charges. But by this time – as planned, I believe – Gordon Campbell was premier of British Columbia. (And his relation with the RCMP was solid.)

Louis Hamelin believes that in Quebec “the fix was in”.  The October Crisis was fabricated.  The outcome was drafted before it began. Many in B.C. believe that before BC Rail went up for sale “the fix was in”.  And a part of that “fix” was that the RCMP would do a tailored and thoroughly corrupt investigation.  They never, in fact, undertook to investigate the corrupt transfer of BC Rail to the CNR.

In fact, top government officials talked with the RCMP about the (search warrant) raids to be conducted on the legislature, December 28, 2003, keeping no records. Documents I examined reported Beverly Busson, top RCMP officer in B.C., was present at one of the planning meetings.  When the ‘raids’ were completed Martyn Brown, Gordon Campbell’s Chief of Staff, (by his own testimony) spoke on the phone to Gary Bass, soon to become the new top RCMP officer in B.C.

Gary Bass, incidentally, refuses to investigate the major people involved in the corrupt transfer of B.C. Rail to the CNR.

Louis Hamelin believes the FLQ members involved in the kidnaps were “set up” by the RCMP and were the Media Front Men for a process intended to do something they never planned.  Yes, they were criminals. But they were used brilliantly by others. And all the other crimes involved in the October Crisis have never been touched.  Many of them committed by the RCMP.

Many, many people in B.C. believe Basi, Virk, and Basi were set up by the RCMP and were Media Front Men to disguise a criminal process undertaken by others.  Yes, two of the accused men admitted guilt.  But they were used brilliantly by others. And all the other crimes involved in the BC Rail Scandal have never been touched. Many of them committed by the RCMP.

The difference between the two historic events is that the felquistes had almost nothing on the RCMP or the governments of Quebec or Canada. Basi, Virk, and Basi had been in close with the government operatives managing the corrupt transfer of BC Rail to the CNR.  And so they could “deal”, even though they were cornered.

In both cases the RCMP (so far) got away Scot free.  The power of the RCMP grows.  It tightens its relation with unsavoury governments.

It moved from its role in the October Crisis  - in which, I believe, it was asked to act lawlessly – to the BC Rail Scandal where it repeated its role, I believe, as a facilitator of criminal activity.

When the Pubic Inquiry into the BC Rail Scandal is set up, a major portion of its work must be the investigation of the role played by the RCMP.


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The RCMP.  The BC Rail Scandal Basi, Virk, and Basi Case.  The RCMP. The War Measures Act of 1970 and the FLQ. Two stories. A single thread connects them.

36 hours after the War Measures Act was imposed on October 16, 1970, I was at a party a few blocks away from the Parliament Buildings in Ottawa.  Many of the people present were NDP – most present were going to the protest demonstration the next day, a Sunday, against the imposition of the War Measures Act (the WMA).

Organizing had gone on, and Conservative, NDP, Creditiste (Quebec Social Credit) MPs were anxious to be at the protest, as well as many, many others.  The day before, I had been on the phone to Eric Neilson, Conservative MP for the Yukon.  He had trouble hearing me.  “This phone line is terrible”, he said.  “I can hardly hear you. I wonder what’s the matter.”

“I’m afraid it’s quite simple,” I said.  “The RCMP is tapping my phone and yours, too.  That drains the line.”  “They can’t be tapping my phone here in the Parliament Buildings”, he said.

He was right.  To do so was a violation of Canadian Constitutional practice.  He proved later that the RCMP was tapping his phone. And that was just the beginning….

Eight days after the War Measures Act was imposed, I gave an address at York University in Toronto.  My speech challenged Pierre Trudeau and the WMA and traced its ill effects on reform activities and radical groups across the country.  Unknown to me, the RCMP recorded the address and put it in my RCMP file in Ottawa.  The last time I could get someone “inside” to check, it was still there.

As the party near the Parliament Buildings was winding down, someone turned on the TV – and there was the news that the murdered body of Pierre Laporte (kidnapped Quebec cabinet minister) was found in the trunk of a car near St. Hubert airport. He was the second of two kidnapped – the other being James Cross, British diplomat, later freed. After the imposition of the WMA, (before the death of Laporte) hundreds of Quebecers were arrested, jailed arbitrarily without charges and without reason given … pulled from their homes often in the middle of the night. The whole process looked planned….

Our house party ended.  The next day, Sunday, thousands of shocked and puzzled Canadians flowed to the lawns around the Parliament Buildings, disturbed and unhappy.  NOT, as the Mainstream Press reported, to “support Trudeau and the WMA”.

The planned protest?  No Conservatives, no NDP, no Creditistes appeared.  Only Ottawa’s leading lady activist Charlotte McEwen and about eighteen Marxist Leninists and … me. We had placards. We discussed and conversed with people for hours… with barely a hint of animosity from anyone there.

The death of Pierre Laporte was crucial.  The arranged protest had almost evaporated.  The mood of the country changed … suddenly.  The story has been told … and told (falsely, says Louis Hamelin).

Now he has just retold it in a 600 page novel in which real characters (barely disguised) abound.  The novel (in French) is the result of eight years of intensive research by author Louis Hamelin.  In it, apparently, he repeats the idea that involved mediator/novelist (at the time) Jacques Ferron argued - that Pierre Laporte didn’t have to die. But was sacrificed believes Hamelin… for the long laid plans of Trudeau and … others.

Louis Hamelin believes that the people in power and the RCMP played the part of puppet-masters in a way that even the principal FLQ actors didn’t know.  Pierre Laporte was manipulated (to his death): “It is my interpretation of the October Crisis: [says Hamelin, ACTUALITE, Oct, 2010] a man was sacrificed, when he could have been saved”.  The felquistes, too, (as they’re called in Quebec) were also the playthings of power, manipulated unknowingly by political power and the RCMP.

We knew already that the RCMP created fake FLQ cells and blew things up – to frighten the population and make it believe the FLQ was stronger than it, in fact, was. FLQ cells were no sooner disbanded or broken up than new ones formed.  That wasn’t difficult when the RCMP was forming them.

We know the RCMP lawlessly raided offices and stole parti Quebecois membership lists.  We know it burned down a barn in the countryside, intending to blame the FLQ for the fire.  We know those things – and others - created the most expensive Royal Commission (to that time) in Canadian history: the McDonald Commission.  One of the causes of the Commission [take note] was that the RCMP had conducted 400 break-ins without warrant, mostly in B.C. All of those things, and more, brought forth the McDonald Report.  Its title showed its farcical nature – “An Inquiry into certain activities of the RCMP”.

People don’t know that Trudeau went very far from Quebec to find someone totally independent for the Royal Commission– and appointed, by the merest accident, a Liberal flack known as such in Alberta where he lived.  People don’t know that the terms of the Inquiry limited David McDonald and prevented him from looking at RCMP overseas activity where the Force is alleged to have arranged the death of people connected to the FLQ.

Hamelin suggests that even the first kidnap – of James Cross was “perhaps a gigantic police provocation”.  The police had foiled attempts to kidnap the Israeli consul in Montreal and the U.S. consul later.  How come they let the kidnap of James Cross go ahead? Hamelin believes they intended to let it go ahead … and he suggests the CIA had a hand in matters.

The point is made.  The RCMP was up to its armpits in illegal activity in the matter of the FLQ Crisis – even if we don’t go as far as Louis Hamelin does.

What was the historical result of such concentrated and continuous lawlessness on the part of the RCMP?

David McDonald was appointed in 1977 and he finished his Report in 1981. Very obviously agreements had to be made, and recommendations had to be of such a kind that the RCMP wasn’t embarrassed or rebuilt in any significant way.  The RCMP had high cards to play.  If David McDonald tried to steal RCMP power, or if the Liberal government did, then the RCMP could … talk …  could embarrass government in a huge way. The historical result was that the RCMP couldn’t be reined in.

Louis Hamelin has his theories – which he plays out in his novel, “La constellation du lynx”.  My theory, too, is that the government of Pierre Trudeau enlisted the RCMP (the army, the CIA, British Intelligence, and more) in a gigantic, lawless move to do what it could to destroy the FLQ as well as any and all left and independence movements in Quebec.

What government didn’t know it had done - was create an RCMP that could move increasingly, at its highest levels, independently of its lawful mandate, into what I insist on calling ‘organized crime’. It could move, now, independently of government, now in support of neo-conservative governments, now in cooperation with governments engaged in breach of trust at the least, and in criminal activity at the worst.

Remember that in the December 2005, in the heart of the federal election the RCMP broke constitutional practice – again – to help the Harperites win the election, by announcing a criminal investigation into Liberal cabinet member Ralph Goodale’s finance department.  Remember, the RCMP – I am convinced – conducted a highly flawed investigation of Glen Clark to assist Gordon Campbell in gaining the premiership of British Columbia.

And remember that the RCMP chief of the investigation in the BC Rail Scandal during 2003-04, Kevin Debruyckere, was brother-in-law of Kelly Reichert, Executive Director of the B.C. Liberal Party.  Defence alleged Debruyckere was informing Reichert who was informing Gordon Campbell all about the investigation. But the trial was brutally aborted before any of that matter could come before the jury.

Remember the RCMP was investigating finance minister Gary Collins on December 12, 2003.  Remember that almost on that same date William Berardino QC was appointed Special Prosecutor in violation of the legislation governing such appointments. The investigation of Collins stopped without any formal record of its termination.  And the trial was aborted before any of that matter could come before the jury.

Glen Clark was forced to resign as premier in 1999 in B.C. What I call ‘the fraudulent RCMP investigation and trial of Clark” ensued, his political career was ruined by both the accusations begun in Gordon Campbell’s constituency office and by an RCMP investigation headed up by a friend of Campbell who was twice invited to run for office on Campbell’s ticket. The Mainstream Press and Media conducted a vilification campaign against Clark without parallel in B.C.

Proof for me that the RCMP investigation was fraudulent came to me when I asked for a Commission for Public Complaints Against the RCMP review of the investigation.  The RCMP shut it down.  I persisted.  Finally, a full three years later, the Public Complaints Commission sent me its Report – finding that two experienced RCMP officers “wrongfully” terminated the investigation! And then, of course, Glen Clark had spent 136 days in trial – his lawyer insisting more than once that the “evidence” against him was valueless. When the trial ended, Clark was absolved of all charges. But by this time – as planned, I believe – Gordon Campbell was premier of British Columbia. (And his relation with the RCMP was solid.)

Louis Hamelin believes that in Quebec “the fix was in”.  The October Crisis was fabricated.  The outcome was drafted before it began. Many in B.C. believe that before BC Rail went up for sale “the fix was in”.  And a part of that “fix” was that the RCMP would do a tailored and thoroughly corrupt investigation.  They never, in fact, undertook to investigate the corrupt transfer of BC Rail to the CNR.

In fact, top government officials talked with the RCMP about the (search warrant) raids to be conducted on the legislature, December 28, 2003, keeping no records. Documents I examined reported Beverly Busson, top RCMP officer in B.C., was present at one of the planning meetings.  When the ‘raids’ were completed Martyn Brown, Gordon Campbell’s Chief of Staff, (by his own testimony) spoke on the phone to Gary Bass, soon to become the new top RCMP officer in B.C.

Gary Bass, incidentally, refuses to investigate the major people involved in the corrupt transfer of B.C. Rail to the CNR.

Louis Hamelin believes the FLQ members involved in the kidnaps were “set up” by the RCMP and were the Media Front Men for a process intended to do something they never planned.  Yes, they were criminals. But they were used brilliantly by others. And all the other crimes involved in the October Crisis have never been touched.  Many of them committed by the RCMP.

Many, many people in B.C. believe Basi, Virk, and Basi were set up by the RCMP and were Media Front Men to disguise a criminal process undertaken by others.  Yes, two of the accused men admitted guilt.  But they were used brilliantly by others. And all the other crimes involved in the BC Rail Scandal have never been touched. Many of them committed by the RCMP.

The difference between the two historic events is that the felquistes had almost nothing on the RCMP or the governments of Quebec or Canada. Basi, Virk, and Basi had been in close with the government operatives managing the corrupt transfer of BC Rail to the CNR.  And so they could “deal”, even though they were cornered.

In both cases the RCMP (so far) got away Scot free.  The power of the RCMP grows.  It tightens its relation with unsavoury governments.

It moved from its role in the October Crisis  - in which, I believe, it was asked to act lawlessly – to the BC Rail Scandal where it repeated its role, I believe, as a facilitator of criminal activity.

When the Pubic Inquiry into the BC Rail Scandal is set up, a major portion of its work must be the investigation of the role played by the RCMP.


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Comments:
I remember that CSIS' genesis lay in legalizing the previously-illegal activities undertaken by the RCMP, as a way to "deal with the problem". In other words, create another body with even more sweeping powers, to do the dirty work that otherwise would be illegal.....

the cover on the Grant Bristow story was another covert operation went awry; which has since been distorted and been subject to a disinformation campaign....despite the two reporters who were jailed for reporting the story; one for simply leaking the story to start with, the other one for reporting on his conviction and imprisonment for same....
 
I'm going to go out on a limb here and suggest that there is, indeed, a conspiracy afoot to rule the world, and that most certainly includes this dominion. And what binds it all together--be it the top cops, or the party leaders, or the media men, or the judiciary, or the big money boys, or the top academics, or the men of religion, and even royalty--is the secret society known to the world as Free Masonry.
 
Weren't the horsemen implicated with a renowned natural gas producer who blew up some of their own stuff in order to rid the world of that pesky Weibo the drywaller?
Same dirty tricks to protect corporate interests?
Who pays these horse people anyway?
Why haven't they caught the latest natural gas vandals at Tom's Lake? Is it more inside work? To deflect our attention from what?? Excessive "incentive payments" with very little BC spinoff??
Too bad it takes 40 years for all the books to come out.
 
Will Says:

Chinese Checkers was right on:

The John les Inquirery,they were all Masons!!!
 
Masons - interesting connections, as I've been doing some reading. An elitists' cult in my opinion.

Also remember Bilderberg. Another elitists' cult in my opinion.

The corporate elite and their paid pigeons and pigs will not stop.
 
Ahem ... I think perhaps we've gone far enough down this trail looking for villains within the Masonic Lodges of the world ...

without, from what each of you is saying here, without a shred of factual evidence to support the claims that they ("paid pigeons, pigs", etc) are preparing to take over the world.

Plus: it isn't connected to BC Rail.

So: I remind you that true dictatorships depend upon the mindless targeting and elimination of one group of citizens after another. Be careful, please. Look after one another. Guard and protect what we have. Build upon it.

But let's avoid scattershots without evidence.
.
 
I'm a little puzzled by your comments, Mary.

Why would you shut down the discussion when it was just getting started. This is a complex thread, that takes some time and effort to follow. Perhaps you might explain yourself further.

And then maybe you can tell us what you had in mind when you wrote, "I think I know. I think we all know.

Sigh"

The longer quote was: "Who are they serving by deliberately knee-capping the Opposition?
.
BC Mary comment: Why do they do it? Why does a clever journalist like Trevor Lautens -- who wrote some of the most delicious paragraphs in the following column -- slip into the ugly rhetoric of blaming the irrelevant NDP when, holy Ratzinger, the New Democrats at their absolute worst can't be accused of betraying the public interest by giving away the central, vital railway link in our province. The appalling crime of the NDP is that they seem to do nothing much of anything, and, in my books, their cardinal sin is that they've done nothing to save BCRail. Like, right now, Carole James should be riding (naked) a horse down Granville Street, beating a drum, and calling for (a) a Public Inquiry into what process took BC Rail from public ownership into private pockets against the public's wishes, and (b) a formal demand that all documents from the BC Rail trial be held in trust, in safekeeping, as the basis for the Public Inquiry or any other inquiry such as a Third Party Review. Those documents are an irreplacable part of British Columbia history.

What is it that makes hired journalists write these knee-jerk references to bad, bad New Democrats while they themselves are wading in the stench of the Campbell muck?

I think I know. I think we all know.

Sigh."

Eagerly awaiting your reply.
 
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